WIDER EUROPE
     
This page brings not vanished European states
to notice, not belonging to the European Union (but excluded are Burgundy, Prussia, Tolosa,
Alt Clut, Etruria, Lodomeria). Packed up it concerns most of the Balkan-countries, Russia, GUAM and other nation states. Although these countries are not EU-members, the EU
develops and put into effect policies, because
the institutions recognise strong European neighbourhood policies
.

Liechtenstein

Balkans

Greenland

Iceland

Transnistria
(breakaway territory)
GUAM (Georgia, Ukraine, Azerbaijan, Moldova) together with Armenia and Belarus is for the EU the Eastern Partnership

Belarus

Russia

Andorra

Vatican city state

Monaco

Armenia

Norway

Kazakhstan

Faroe Islands

Switzerland
     
"Our most pressing challenge is the stabilisation of our neighbourhood. Conflicts, terrorism and radicalisation threaten us all. But poverty, corruption and poor governance are also sources of insecurity. That is why we will refocus relations with our partners where necessary on our genuinely shared common interests. In particular economic development, with a major focus on youth employment and skills will be key", stated Commissioner Hahn att the presentation of the new ENP with High Representative Mogherini.
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EU-STRAT: ‘The EU and Eastern Partnership Countries: An Inside-Out Analysis and Strategic Assessment’

What should the EU do to support Ukraine, Belarus and Moldova? How can the European Union adapt its policies towards these countries in a very difficult and challenging geopolitical context?

EU-STRAT will address two main questions: First, why has the EU fallen short of creating peace, prosperity and stability in its Eastern neighbourhood? And secondly, what can be done to strengthen the EU’s transformative power in supporting political and economic change in the six Eastern Partnership (EaP) countries?

Adopting an inside-out perspective on the challenges of transformation the EaP countries and the EU face, EU-STRAT will:

  • Develop a conceptual framework for the varieties of social orders in EaP countries to explain the propensity of domestic actors to engage in change;
  • Investigate how bilateral, regional and global interdependencies shape the scope of action and the preferences of domestic actors in the EaP countries;
  • De-centre the EU by studying the role of selected member states and other external actors active in the region;
  • Evaluate the effectiveness of the Association Agreements and alternative EU instruments, including scientific cooperation, in supporting change in the EaP countries;
  • Analyse normative discourses used by the EU and Russia to enhance their influence over the shared neighbourhood;
Formulate policy recommendations to strengthen the EU’s capacity to support change in the EaP countries by advancing different scenarios for developmental pathways.

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MAXimizing the integration CAPacity of the European Union
:

The ‘big bang enlargement’ of the European Union (EU) has nurtured vivid debates among both academics and practitioners about the consequences of ‘an ever larger Union’ for the EU’s integration capacity. The research project MAXCAP researched the effects of the 2004-2007 enlargement on stability, democracy and prosperity of candidate countries, on the one hand, and the EU’s institutions, on the other. Then it was investigated how the EU can maximized its integration capacity for current and future enlargements. 

Faculty of Governance and Global Affairs, Leiden University organized January 22 and 23, 2016, the final conference filled with sessions:

- Political and Economic Effects of Enlargement on new members, candidates and neighbours;
- the Effects of Enlargement and the Relationship Between Widening and Deepening;
- Modes of Political and Economic Integration in the EU and Their Effectiveness; and
- Integration Capacity for the Future? Changing Strategies and Citizens' Perceptions.

Simon Mordue, Director ‘Strategy and Turkey’ in the DG NEAR gave a keynote speech and was followed by a round table discussion on the topic: “The European Union and enlargement in difficult times: Deadlock or new impetus?

Adopting an inter-disciplinary and mixed methods approach that combines desk research, in-depth interviews and Q-methodology, MAXCAP will

a) explain the effects of the EU’s integration modes and strategies on democracy and socio-economic development in the new members, candidates and neighbourhood countries; 

b) inquire into the relationship between the widening and deepening of the EU by establishing conditions for effective decision-making and implementation in an enlarged EU;

c) identify the social limits to the EU’s integration capacity related to citizens’ perceptions of the last and future enlargements;

d) study the EU’s current and past negotiation strategies in the context of enlargement and investigate to what extent they need to be adjusted to changing conditions in the EU and the candidate countries;

e) examine how the EU employs different modes of integrating countries with highly diverse economic powers, democratic qualities of governance, and institutional capacities and

f) assess whether alternative models, such as the European Neighbourhood Policy, can be successful in bringing countries closer to the EU.

MAXCAP which features a nine-partner consortium of academic, policy, dissemination and management excellence will create new and strengthen existing links within and between the academic and the policy world on matters relating to the current and future enlargement of the EU.
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1 December 2015, a CEPS Commentary 'The 2015 ENP Review: A policy in suspended animation'was drafted. New working methods include the abolition of the annual package of country reports to measure progress (or lack thereof) in reforms aimed at approximating to the EU model. Instead, reporting is set to become more tailor-made to the nature and working calendar of each relationship. In addition to the country-specific reporting, regular thematic reports will track developments in the neighbourhood, for instance on the rule of law, fundamental rights and gender equality.

The concept is translated in at least five ways. First, more focus on cooperation in security sector reform, mainly in the areas of conflict prevention, border protection/management, counterterrorism and anti-radicalisation policies. Second, greater efforts to support inclusive economic and social development, with the creation of job opportunities for youth among the key objectives of “economic stabilisation”. Third, greater crisis-response capacities by deploying the available financial resources in a more flexible manner. Fourth, safe and legal mobility on the one hand, and tackling irregular migration, human trafficking and smuggling on the other. And finally, greater attention to working with partners on energy security and climate action.